Multiracialism in Australia

Andrew Fraser:

Throughout the Anglosphere, multiracialism remains an article of faith for the cosmopolitan managerial and professional classes. But recent immigrant-related violence may have convinced many, if not most ordinary Australians that the decision to abandon the historic White Australia immigration policy was a catastrophic mistake.

Certainly, it is now obvious that the high-minded social engineers who transformed Australia into a colony of the Third World made a fateful, if unwitting, choice. We can be a free society or a multiracial society. But we cannot be both.

Mass Third World immigration is a form of forced integration. Following in the footsteps of the civil rights revolution of the 1960s which cleansed so many large American cities of their white populations, state-sponsored multiracialism in Australia has become a compulsory revolution imposed from on high.

Indeed, non-white immigration into every Western society is now treated as a fundamental civil right attached to humanity at large. Accordingly, anti-discrimination laws have effectively abolished both freedom of association and the rights of private property. Racial and religious vilifications laws soon followed, restricting our freedom of expression. More recently, Australian anti-terrorism and sedition laws have completed the transformation of the old Anglo-Saxon “constitution of liberty” into an ever-more intrusive “constitution of control.”

Last week, in New South Wales, the outbreak of open hostilities in what has become a long-running, low-intensity civil war has led the state government to assert the power to lock-down whole suburbs as if they were prisons, to confiscate private property and to throw people into jail without any right to bail.

For years now, we have been assured that Australia has become a harmonious multicultural paradise wherein persons and “communities” of every race and creed will live happily ever after. But as the long-simmering conflict in Cronulla between white Australian beach-goers and marauding Lebanese Muslim gangs has boiled over into the public domain, the ideological guardians of official multiculturalism have a problem.

The reality is that multiracialism worked only so long as the host population, the Anglo-Australian people, were prepared to acquiesce in the steady erosion of their distinctive, ethnocultural national identity and, ultimately, the loss of their homeland. When thousands of white Australians gathered on the beach at Cronulla to defend their turf, the foundations of the multiculturalist regime were shaken as never before, even in the late 1990s heyday of the anti-immigration One Nation party.

The rise of One Nation exposed the vast gulf between the political class and ordinary white Australians, especially those in the outer suburbs of the major cities. The Cronulla rebellion revealed an even more disturbing gap: namely, the disconnect between the reality of the situation our political and intellectual elites have created and their understanding of it.

Politicians such as Prime Minister John Howard, Leader of the Opposition Kim Beazley, and Premier of New South Wales Morris Iemma have been unanimous in their condemnation of the riots and disorders in the past week or so as criminal acts. Therefore, they say, this is a problem for the police and the courts.

Undoubtedly, the loutish behaviour of the relatively few drunken hooligans at the Cronulla demonstration was the sort of problem that police can and do deal with regularly.

But the guerrilla-style, hit-and-run attacks on persons and property in beach-side suburbs and beyond perpetrated by organized Muslim gangs travelling across Sydney in motorized convoys cannot be classified simply as criminal acts.

The Strategic Studies Institute of the US Army War College suggests the sort of organized gang warfare waged by young Muslims in Sydney can be understood better as “mutated forms of urban insurgency.” This form of warfare involving non-state actors is too complicated to be treated as a strictly law enforcement problem that can be solved by the police.

There is obviously a criminal dimension to the activities of Muslim street gangs. But the problem is also a “half-political national security” challenge. It is now obvious that Lebanese gangs are political actors who plan and implement coercive intimidation, creating instability, fostering corruption and exploiting the root causes of violence to achieve both commercial and political purposes.

Rethinking the White Australia Policy